RITUAL
ECONOMY
Untethered
by Space, Time, or Economic Form

5th Cotsen
Advanced Seminar, March 2-3 2006
Cotsen
Institute of Archaeology, UCLA
E. Christian
Wells & Patricia A. McAnany, Co-Organizers
Increasingly,
economists have acknowledged that a major limitation to economic theory has
been its failure to incorporate human values and beliefs as motivational
factors. More to the point, the economic underpinnings of ritual practice are
under-theorized and therefore not accessible to economists working on synthetic
theories of human choice. The intent of the proposed seminar is to initiate a
rapprochement between economic theory and social theory. The chosen modus operandi for this endeavor is a
seminar that will bring together scholars of economic anthropology as well as
those who study past economic systems using archaeological remains. The
immediate goal of this project is to forge an analytical vocabulary that will
constitute the building blocks of a theory of ritual economy—the
materialization of values and beliefs through acquisition and consumption aimed
at managing meaning and shaping interpretation. Our ultimate goal is to push
economic theory towards a more socially informed perspective. These goals will
be accomplished through a seminar structure that balances case studies with
broader theoretical considerations.
Cosmology
and ritual practice have long been recognized as significant factors in the
structure and process of economic systems in noncapitalist societies. According
to Katherine Spielmann’s anthropological study of small-scale societies,
“ritual and belief define the rules, practices, and rationale for much of the
production, allocation, and consumption in an individual’s life… It is to
people’s participation in and manipulation of the ritual context that we must
look to understand variation and changes in many economic practices.” This line
of work emphasizes the dynamic and on-going process of materialization, whereby
all members of society can participate in creating, negotiating, reproducing,
contesting, and challenging cultural meaning. This is an important distinction
from studying the economics of ritual practice, which instead emphasizes the
ways in which resources are marshaled for the conduct of ritualized behavior,
sometimes for political ends.
By
focusing on the intersection of cosmology and material transfers, this approach
knits together ritual and economy—two realms of inquiry that often are
sequestered into separate domains of knowledge. Ritual economy represents
complex, dialectic, and interactive processes embedded within communities whose
economic compositions vary according to local cultural and ecological
landscapes. Fundamental to social constructions, this approach carries
tremendous potential for understanding human society. Unfortunately, theory and
methods for studying ritual economy are grossly underdeveloped. To address this
shortfall, this Cotsen Advanced Seminar brings together scholars within
anthropology who have devoted considerable energy towards the study of ritual
practice and/or economic process. Assembled scholars will consider the variable
pathways through which ritual and economic practices articulate in the
operation of societies, past and present. In order to ground the discussion in
actual case studies, seminar participants will prepare papers that utilize this
approach in reference to archaeological data along with information produced
from other genres, including ethnography, ethnohistory, personal narrative, and
art.
Case Study: Mesoamerica
Since
the seminar is organized by two Mesoamericanists, we will emphasize
Mesoamerican ritual economy, focusing on three issues: 1) identifying the
salient principles of Mesoamerican ritual economy, 2) examining the manner in
which those principles were/are materialized, and 3) tackling the unique methodological
challenges of archaeological interpretation of ritual economy. Although
participants will not be limited to archaeological data, the first part of the
seminar will focus on the manner by which “cultural agents” construct,
reproduce, and transform ritual economy within predominantly noncapitalist
contexts.
For
example, in prehispanic and early Colonial Mesoamerica, the use of feasts and
festivals to mobilize and regulate collective labor, along lines similar to
what Roy Rappaport calls the “ritual mode of production,” was a fundamental
economic practice in the development of social inequality and hierarchy.
Conquest and Colonial accounts of Mesoamerican rituals that marked calendrical
and astronomical events as well as important life-crisis ceremonies, including
births, initiations, weddings, and funerals, reveal that many of these
proceedings were extravagant affairs, where pomp and pageantry required a great
quantity and variety of raw and processed materials, such as copal and cacao,
along with specialty crafts, such as elaborate costumes and ritual
paraphernalia. In addition to stimulating surplus production and long-distance
acquisition of exotic or luxury items, these occasions also provided
opportunities for hosts to display, and sometimes distribute, many other kinds
of goods, including textiles and jade and marine shell accoutrements, which
were critical for forging alliances with peers and for encouraging acquiescence
by others in political realms. Agricultural festivals, political banquets, tribute
feasts, and pilgrimage fairs represent other kinds of politically
transformative events where ritual and economic activities intersected to
catalyze social and cultural change.
If
ritual economy is to become useful as a theoretical framework for generating
research questions and corresponding test implications for anthropological
study, an analytical vocabulary is needed that can serve as a heuristic for
future work. The following three domains of inquiry are critical to this effort
and will be examined by seminar participants during discussion of case studies
from Mesoamerica and revisited during our consideration of broader theoretical
formulations: materialization, acquisition, and consumption.
Materialization of a
group’s values, morals, ideals, and ethics, through ritual can be studied by
investigating the conditions, contexts, and practices by which material objects
are endowed with symbolic or sacred characteristics. Sources of value and
meaning for symbolic objects include their unique histories of ownership and
exchange, the sacredness of their component materials, and their direct
association with elite or sacred individuals, ancestors, and deities. Such
objects may have high intrinsic worth, based primarily on the ideological
context of production or use, independent of their production costs. In other
words, items manufactured from inexpensive materials can be considered
“socially valued goods,” which gain ritual power through the history of their
use. Similarly, skillfully crafted objects may have great value in a particular
context, but in absolute terms may cost little more than the food required by
the artisans who produce them. Mary Helms, for example, argues that the
manipulation of “durable tangible objects” that embody mystical powers can be
harnessed for considerable periods of time, which can lead to enduring social
hierarchies.
Acquisition
and consumption constitute two important axes by which materialization can be
measured. Acquisition of material culture critical to ritual practice can
involve manufacture (“ritual mode of production”), material transfer across
long distances (“spatial/temporal there-and-then”), and gift giving (“marking
services”). The final category is particularly important in Mesoamerican
communities, where gifting often involves sacrifice to ancestral and spiritual
realms, along lines similar to Marcel Mauss’s “fourth obligation” of gift
giving. Equally important to the conditions governing the acquisition of sacred
or symbolic objects are the contexts in which such items are consumed.
Consumption can take place at the level of household, community, or urban
entity or within the context of age, gender, class-specific, or more
heterogeneous social groupings. Diacritical feasting and potlatching are two
anthropologically recognized means of consumption. The political aspect of
conspicuous consumption, at the scale of the polity, is key to a consideration
of Mesoamerica as Arthur Demarest has argued in reference to the “theater
states” and “galactic polities” formulated by Geertz and Tambiah respectively.
Broader Theoretical Formulation of Ritual Economy
While
the salience of ritual economy to the expression of Mesoamerican cultures is clear,
the concept is more broadly relevant. We argue that all human societies require
some form of ritual economy to materialize cultural meaning and social memory.
Variation in the process of materialization leads to contrasting developmental
trajectories, which give rise to diverse organizational strategies and local,
historically contingent contexts for social action. The second part of the
seminar will situate the study of ritual economy in a broader comparative
context that will include capitalist modes of production and will seek to forge
a general theoretical construct for this approach.
To
do so, we expand our scope to consider the ways in which a theory of ritual
economy can be applied to both capitalistic and noncapitalistic settings across
a number of different cultural contexts. This “untethered” consideration of
ritual economy will achieve three goals. First, it will permit us to evaluate
the extent to which the principles identified in the first part of the seminar
(focused on Mesoamerican cases) can be generalized or must be understood as
historically contingent. Second, it will allow us to apply this general
approach to recent and contemporary cultures and then evaluate its contribution
to an understanding of Late Capitalism. Finally, it will encourage us to
consider the utility of this approach in providing insight to the increasingly
polarized resource inequities of a global economy.
Broadly
speaking, our examination will include grappling with the social and ritual
consequences of commodification—hallmark of the capitalist mode of production.
Commodification of land, labor, and fabrication processes fundamentally alters
notions of value; this reformulation requires us to revisit the concepts of materialization, acquisition, and consumption.
An understanding of the manner in which commodification transforms ritual
economy is critical to forging an analytical vocabulary with wide cultural
applicability. The seminar also will focus on how ritual economy is
materialized in a variety of cultural and economic contexts and will
distinguish common ground from distinctive trajectories. Attention will be
given to the pronounced fashion in which resource inequities and hierarchies
are diacritically marked by ritual practices.
Schedule
WEDNESDAY,
MARCH 1
12:00-6:00
pm Participants arrive
6:00-8:00
pm Reception and dinner
THURSDAY,
MARCH 2
8:30-9:00
am Coffee/Tea
9:00-9:15
am Welcome
E. Christian Wells (cwells@cas.usf.edu),
University of South Florida
9:15-9:30
am Introduction
Patricia A. McAnany (tricia@bu.edu),
Boston University
9:30-10:00 am Economy, ecology, and the realm of the
sacred: Ritual exchange among the Nahua of northern Veracruz, Mexico
Alan R. Sandstrom (sandstro@ipfw.edu), Indiana
University-Purdue University Fort Wayne
Nahua
ritual specialists of northern Veracruz, Mexico, portray spirit entities by
cutting their images from paper. Paper cutting is an ancient craft in
Mesoamerica that traces back to the pre-Hispanic era. The impetus to
materialize the spirits in this way is the result of the highly abstract and
pantheistic nature of the Nahua religious system. In pantheistic thought, the
cosmos itself is the deity and all apparent diversity can be seen as different
aspects or manifestations of a seamless sacred unity. The Nahua ritual
specialist places the paper figures on elaborate altars where he or she
dedicates special offerings, including blood, to them. Two purposes of these
ritual offerings are evident: first, the removal of obstacles, in the form of
acts of disrespect, that impede interaction with the spirits, and second, the
exchange of valued items with spirits in an effort to obligate them to restore
the flow of benefits upon which humans depend for their lives. The
fundamentally economic nature of Nahua ritual exchange is revealed through
examination of multiple factors: the symbolic meanings of sacred chanting and
altar construction, the role of religion in constituting Nahua ethnic identity
in the face of domination by mestizo elites, and the ecological context that
renders life precarious for indigenous horticulturalists of this region of
Mexico.
10:00-10:30 am Environmental
worldview and ritual economy among the Lenca of Honduras: Archaeological
implications for southeastern Mesoamerica
E. Christian Wells (cwells@cas.usf.edu),
University of South Florida
The extent to which
worldview enables and constrains human action has been fiercely debated for
nearly a century. A rare point of consensus to emerge is that nonmaterial
motives often drive economic choices at the expense of rational, utilitarian
behavior. Recently, economic anthropologists have suggested that archaeological
and historical cases can play a key role in understanding long-term trends in
the ways in which values and beliefs articulate with economic processes. In
this paper, I expand on some of my previous work that seeks to offer economic
theory an archaeological case of how the materialization of worldview is
embedded in economic contexts by means of ritual practice. Here, I examine the
relationship between environmental worldview and ritual economy among the
Lenca, an indigenous group inhabiting the highlands of central and western
Honduras. The intrinsic meanings and effects of environmental worldview on the
structure of ritual economy, as indicated by the Lenca example, suggest that
our research questions and corresponding research designs may be leading us to
overemphasize substantive explanations while giving less attention to formal
ones. In examining the Lenca case, my aim is to redress this imbalance by
determining some of the material expressions one might expect to find in the
archaeological record regarding ritual practices associated with resource
extraction, and then to evaluate those hypotheses with empirical data from
western Honduras. This exercise exposes important gaps in our knowledge about
the interplay of ritual, economy, and the environment and, in doing so,
identifies the relevant information that is needed to explore environmental
worldview and ritual economy in southeastern Mesoamerica.
10:30-10:45
am Catered break
10:45-11:15
am Accompanied by a jaguar: Ritual economy of
the royal Maya court
Patricia A. McAnany (tricia@bu.edu),
Boston University
The
most powerful and effective forces of hierarchizing are those that naturalize
difference so that it is beyond dispute and something to be tacitly accepted.
Such hierarchization has been described by Touraine (1977:461) as a type of
historical action by which a cultural model is transformed into a principle of
social order. In the Classic Maya world, this “social speciation” was
naturalized and materialized through a complex web of ritual practice, deity
emulation, enhancement of body aesthetics, and the fabrication/possession of
hypertrophic goods. The latter symbolized exclusive knowledge, tremendous
investments of time, and sometimes, distant and precious raw materials.
Additionally, the architecture of Classic Maya royal courts broke with an older
Maya residential pattern of accretional construction filled with ancestral
burials in order to materialize more effectively social difference, to provide
space for exclusive ritual performance, and to showcase the highly valued and gendered
labor of textile production. Such instruments of authority, from another
perspective, are “weapons of exclusion” (Douglas and Isherwood 1979:95) that
can be wielded to fend off assaults on hierarchy. From this perspective the profound
transformations of the 9th century are considered an assault that was not
defendable.
11:15-11:45
pm Weaving rituals and the production of
commemorative cloth in highland Guatemala
Walter E. Little (wlittle@albany.edu), University at
Albany, SUNY
In Mesoamerica the act of
weaving, the process of making cloth, and the uses of that cloth are well-known
ritual and mundane practices. Most often, these practices—ritual and
mundane—have been regarded by scholars as markers of primordial identity and
clear indications of deep historical continuities with the pre-Columbian past.
Rather than re-tread this intellectual ground, in this paper I analyze a set of
commemorative wall hangings from Tecpán, Guatemala to
argue that ritual weaving persists in contemporary Mesoamerica within global
economic contexts. I hold that these Tecpán textiles
contain multiple significations that, in addition to indicating cultural
continuities and community identity, symbolically link hamlets to the
municipality, represent development projects completed, and symbolize the
connections these hamlets have to the broader global economy. Furthermore, I
contend that these hangings not only commemorate completed development projects
and give thanks to the municipality, but that they signify weaving as a ritual
act and as a symbol of local-global linkages. This analysis of weaving and
cloth is contextualized within the cultural and economic conditions of Tecpán in order to discuss the interrelationship between
the ritual and the mundane, as well as what hand-woven cloth means to
contemporary Maya weavers.
11:45-12:15
pm Discussion: What is ritual economy?
12:15-2:00
pm Lunch
2:00-2:30
pm Crafting the Sacred: The Sociality of
Ritual Production in Small Scale Societies
Katherine A. Spielmann
(kate.spielmann@asu.edu), Arizona State University
The
ritual mode of production is such a salient concept for those of us who focus
our research on small scale societies because the extant archaeological record
is often heavily dominated by the ritual places and objects created by
prehistoric peoples. For centuries, and perhaps millennia, peoples widely
separated in time and place have devoted considerable labor to enclosing and
elaborating communal ritual spaces, and to producing objects for ritual
consumption in these spaces. While ritual and economic actions are evident in
this record, the sociality of production is not. This paper explores three
archaeological case studies, referencing relevant ethnographic data, to explore
the sociality of the organization of production of ritual spaces and
paraphernalia in small scale societies.
2:30-3:00
pm Liturgical economic allocations
John D. Monaghan (monaghan@uic.edu),
University of Illinois-Chicago
This
paper examines what can be called “liturgical” economic allocations, which are
made by private individuals and can make up a significant percentage of a
society’s total expenditures on public works. It makes the point that such
allocations are driven by tournaments of honor that emphasize highly visible
acts and public evaluations of status,
which turn on one’s willingness to put at risk what is most highly valued in
society. Unlike philanthropy, participation in these tournaments is necessary
to achieve and maintain citizenship, but unlike taxation, where rates are
imposed from above, what is given is determined by a complex social
negotiation. The paper argues that the relativity of honor gives such systems a
particular dynamic, which is illustrated in several case studies.
3:00-3:30
pm The political
ecology of ritual feasting
E. Paul Durrenberger (epd2@psu.edu),
Pennsylvania State University
I
will discuss the political economy of ritual feasting among Lisu highlanders
and Shan lowlanders of northern Southeast Asia and medieval Icelanders. The
audience for Lisu feasts is fellow villagers all of whom are engaged in limited
competition for prestige to insure equality among households. These reciprocal
feasts use a considerable portion of the annual value of each household’s
production. Among Shan the audience is non-reciprocating Buddhist monks and
non-reciprocating fellow villagers to validate positions in the
social-political hierarchy in terms of Buddhist merit. The feasts use a
relatively small portion of any household’s annual production. Among Icelandic
chieftains, the audience was followers and potential followers to validate
claims to chieftaincy and could initially use only a fraction of the annual
production of a chiefly household, though as wage the source of revenue changed
form household slaves to renters and wage workers and competition for land
developed, the ritual dimension of chieftaincy became exaggerated and used an increasing
portion of revenues as there were fewer and fewer increasingly powerful and
combative chieftains.
3:30-3:45
pm Catered break
3:45-4:15 pm Desires of the
heart and laws of the marketplace: Money and poetics in the practice of
Betsileo ritual specialists in highland Madagascar
Susan M. Kus (kus@rhodes.edu) and Victor
Raharijaona, Rhodes College
When
silver coins (Maria Theresa Thaler) appeared in Madagascar in the
mid-nineteenth century, Malagasy culture saw in their uncut, silver form (vola tsy vaky)
an image of completeness, of perfection, of beginning and end, and a gift
befitting a sovereign. Such coins became obligatory offerings of recognition of
the sanctity of the sovereign in all ritual occasions accompanied by an array
of additional offerings of symbolically significant plants, animals and
material objects. While large numbers of these coins were used in the
construction of silver canoes for royal burials, they also conveniently filled
the coffers of the living sovereign. Today, local traditions of the highlands
have co-opted and subverted this royal offering of “uncut coins” for their own
ritual circumstances. Further, local ritual specialists continue to poetically
assail “laws of the market place.” Claiming that their talent, a gift from the
ancestors, cannot be bought or sold, they direct their clients to offer
recompense according to “the desires/directives/feelings of their heart” (sitrapo, safidipo, hafaliampo.) They further engage in numerous symbolic
assaults on “all purpose money.” This paper draws upon royal oral traditions,
ethnohistoric accounts and contemporary ethnographic work with Betsileo ritual
specialists to argue that the poetic and the syncretic
should enter into our discussions of hegemony.
4:15-4:45
pm Gifting the children:
The ritual economy of a community school
Rhoda H. Halperin (halperinr@mail.montclair.edu),
Montclair University
Moral
meanings intersect economic realities in a community school located in a
diverse working class neighborhood in the Midwestern U.S. The school was
created by a community/university partnership in the wake of a complicated and
long economic development planning process that is still ongoing. School
children from the community are eighth generation residents. As an extension of
the development process, several community elders hold jobs in the school as
volunteer coordinator, cafeteria and maintenance managers, case managers (lay
counselors) and school administrators. Ironically, perhaps, the school was
established as a nonprofit corporation, but job descriptions and rules resemble
those in corporate workplaces. But work in the school does not follow corporate
job descriptions. It both violates these descriptions and extends beyond them.
Gifting the children involves a complex set of morally driven and ritualized
economic practices: participation in the
informal economy, modeling survival strategies, and providing actual resources
such as food, clothing and school supplies. Intersections of kinwork and paid
work blur distinctions between work and family. For community residents and
leaders employed in the school, work extends far beyond job descriptions and regular
business hours. Often people work 16-18 hour days. This work schedule requires
mobilizing extended kin to cover small child and eldercare responsibilities.
Employing community kin, insuring job stability, and keeping the peace are also
priorities. These practices are all forms of resistance to capitalism,
globalization and several forms or hegemony. At the same time, since children’s
success in school is facilitated by such practices, gifting the children is
complicit with the goals of neoliberal capitalism.
“Gifting the Children” is about informal support systems for kids, consisting
of economic practices that require adults to expend considerable resources in
time and money on community children. These practices grow out of a strong and
often ritualized community ethos, which, in fact, is the keystone of all
community projects. The folk term for this ethos is “doing whatever it takes.”
Work, gifts, food, housing are tied to an alternative, informal, non-market
economy embedded in a grassroots social movement. Beyond job descriptions, and,
in many instances, in spite of them – community people go the extra mile. There
is a sense of commitment and morality, tied with notions of doing what is
right, and with taking care of community children, broadly conceived as working
class youth. A strong social justice agenda underlies economic practices. The
goal of this agenda is to bring kids up to speed in the face of poor public
education and class and race discrimination. The theoretical underpinnings of
this paper draw on the work of Eric Hobsbawm, Michel Foucault and Antonio Gramsci. Concepts of Social banditry, power and knowledge,
including most importantly local knowledge, inform the analysis.
4:45-5:15
pm Discussion: How do culture, power, and
history intersect to frame ritual economy?
5:15-6:00
pm Break
6:00-8:00
pm Dinner
FRIDAY,
MARCH 3
8:30-9:00
am Coffee/Tea
9:00-9:45
am Discussion
Jeremy A.
Sabloff (jsabloff@sas.upenn.edu), University of Pennsylvania
9:45-10:30
am Open discussion
10:30-10:45
am Catered break
10:45-11:15
am Discussion Theme I: Ritual communication
and performance
11:15-11:45
pm Discussion Theme II: Economic rationality
and nonrationality
11:45-12:15
pm Discussion Theme III: Materialization of
worldview
12:15-2:00
pm Lunch
2:00-2:30
pm Discussion Theme IV: Toward a theory of
ritual economy
2:30-3:00
pm Discussion Theme V: The shortcomings of our
projects
3:00-3:30
pm Catered Break
3:30-5:15 pm Cotsen Visiting
Scholar Lecture: Explaining World Linguistic Diversity: The Role of Archaeology
and Molecular Genetics
Colin Renfrew, Cotsen Visiting Scholar
2005-2005 and Disney Professor of Archaeology, University of Cambridge
5:15-6:00
pm Break
6:00-8:00
pm Dinner
SATURDAY,
MARCH 4
8:00-12:00
pm Participants depart